Dr. Eric Mathias Owona Nguini, political scientist in an exclusive interview with French language newspaper, La Météo, the no-nonsense political scientist, Mathias Eric Owona Nguini, summarizes the reason for the fall of President Blaise Compaoré of Burkina Faso as the absence of a credible, long-lasting and serious institutional system, which is the case with most African countries.

Amongst other things, he says he does not wish to see the disgraced President appear before the International Criminal Tribunal, and sees a clear link between Burkina Faso and Cameroon. The Median translated the interview for your reading pleasure

How do you appreciate the political crisis which led to the fall of Blaise Compaore of Burkina Faso?

The political crisis that took place in Burkina Faso is largely as a result of the system of endless rule which is characteristic of a number of political regimes in Africa. A system in which the central chief, i.e. the President, tries to stay as long as possible, even to the detriment of the collective interest of the state or of his political group.

Clearly, the Burkinabes were tired of the long stay of President Blaise Compaoré in power (27 years) and were waiting to have other leaders. Within the framework of this crisis, President Blaise Compaoré thought that like some of his colleagues in other African countries, he could thwart the clause of the limitation of the Presidential mandate in order to have the opportunity again to present his candidature in the 2015 presidential election. However, a great part of the people as well as leaders and political party bigwigs refused to listen to him.

What commentary do you have to make of the two soldiers who have expressed a desire to head a transitional government?

Those are the kinds of problems we can have in crises which are generated by the resignation of a President who has stayed in power for long years. And this fight between the two military heads, who are the army chief of staff, General Honoré Nabéré Traoré, and the second presidential guard commander of the presidential security regiment, Lieutenant Colonel Isaac Zida, is the expression of the fact that the Burkinabe institutional system is not necessarily prepared for a transition.

This crisis also offers the fallen President the possibility to maneouvre to try to put one of his close aides in power in order to limit the damages resulting from his official fall from power.

Does this leadership squabble not delay the return of the country to constitutional rule?

It is a translation of the idea that the country did not have a solid institutional system capable of managing this type of situation. This crisis also leaves the possibility, if those who are at the centre of the new confrontation are not able to come to reason, of the deposed president imposing himself as a recourse. For it has been proven that apart from him, other leaders – particularly military leaders – would not be able to understand each other to prevent the country from sinking into a long-lasting political confusion.

Do you think the opposition and the civil society can play any role in taking the country out of the crisis?

Yes, of course! The opposition groups and social networks which constitute the society at the base, as well as civil society activists have an important role to play. First because they have played a role to destabilize the Compaoré regime. They equally have a role to play because it is they who supplied the necessary mobilization fuel that rocked the foundation of the Compaoré regime, to the point of putting to question the official authority of this leader. It should simply be seen that presently most of the opposition leaders are positioning themselves for an eventual election following the transition period. Thus none of these Burkinabe opposition leaders wants to sacrifice himself to be the one to man the transition, with the risk of being eliminated in the election that will follow the transition…

Could we say Burkina Faso is a country that has up till now been governed by coup plotters?

No! W e cannot say Burkina Faso has all along been governed by coup plotters. There have been perfectly legitimate leaders, if we take, for example, the authority that was exercised by Maurice Yamégo who was the first President of Upper Volta (that became Burkina Faso in 1984). The cycle of coup d’états began with General Aboubacar Sangoulé Lamizana in 1966. He was followed by Colonel Saye Zerbo in 1980, Commander Jean-Baptiste Ouédraogo in 1982, Captain Thomas Sankara in 1983 and Captain Blaise Compaoré in 1987.

Does Compaoré’s case not represent a warning shot for African leaders who would be tempted to revise the Constitution in future?

Yes, of course, it does! It is a message that the constitutive population of Burkina Faso has sent not only to the Burkinabe political class and particularly to the governing class and its erstwhile leader, President Compaoré, but also to all African political elite who do not put themselves in a position to construct lasting institutional systems…on a basis which is truly universal and meant to defend the interests of the Republics.

Do you think Compaoré can be called up to appear before the International Criminal Tribunal?

We are not yet there. But I think that with a certain sense of wisdom and pragmatism, it would not be advisable for President Compaoré to appear before the International Criminal Tribunal. Despite the fact that he can eventually be implicated in scandals relating to human rights abuse, beginning with repression (leading to about 30 deaths) which preceded his resignation not long ago.

What lesson for Africa on the one hand and the West on the other?

The lesson for Africa is that it is important to have credible, long-lasting and serious institutional systems which do not depend entirely on those in power, on those who, for one reason or the other, were able to rise to the helm of the state. What is essential is that the institutions should be more powerful than the strong men. Concerning the West, they have to be able to understand a certain number of sociopolitical evolutions which have taken place in Africa without necessarily influencing them directly by imposing this or that leader.

Is there a link to be made with Cameroon?

The link to be made is that the President of Burkina Faso, Blaise Compaoré, was amongst those who have stayed in power for long, just as the President of Cameroon.